The Exclusive Society Social Exclusion, Crime and Difference in Late Modernity
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Equipment This, constructed with the the exclusive society social exclusion crime and difference in of Full ensembles has a MD workplace for the energetic systems of individual as a nature without the adhesion to reduce rapidly been binding readers. The study of crime and justice has long since stood amongst the principal sub-fields of social history. Crime history has produced some of the truly seminal work in social history at large, and innovative and exciting research is still pursued today.
Yet in one respect, the social history of crime has never quite established itself — it has not gained recognition as a really vital sister discipline to contemporary criminology. There was a time when social historians enjoyed a more sustained and productive dialogue with criminologists than they do now. Intellectually and politically, these two camps were substantially alike: they were broadly socialist and humanist in political outlook; they were each frustrated with the topical and theoretical conventions of their respective disciplines; and they each adopted a self-consciously critical approach to substantive issues of crime, public order and the rule of law.
During this time, key works of crime history — the works of Edward Thompson, Douglas Hay, Robert Storch, Michael Ignatieff and others — became required reading across the disciplinary divide. Furthermore, major volumes on crime and control reserved almost equal space for historical as for contemporary scholarship. In retrospect, there was clearly rather more to this interdisciplinary dialogue than a correspondence of worldviews.
The Exclusive Society: Social Exclusion, Crime and Difference in Late Modernity
Paul Lawrence has suggested that fertile exchange between crime historians and criminologists relies on a shared sense of historical time, and this was the case in the s and early s, when a common understanding of historical continuity linking past with present straddled the disciplinary divide. Likewise, criminologists studied this era of history in great detail thanks to its assumed foundational character. Both sets of scholars still perceived around them a modern, urban-industrial, class society, the like of which they were sure had been wrought at a quite specific historical juncture from the late eighteenth to the mid-nineteenth century.
Hence, historical research was integral to any foundational analysis and critique of contemporary society.
This fruitful interchange between social historians and criminologists gradually eroded after the s. It was arguably around this time that work in social history at large became more exclusively oriented to the past. Yet few scholars allowed the present experience of say law and order to intrude in any great measure upon their analysis of historical sources. At root here was the loss of that sense of continuity from past to present. The great debates over the nature, timing and social consequences of the industrial revolution effectually ruptured that common-sense view of our world as pretty straightforwardly modern.
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Hence, both sides were increasingly dissatisfied with characterising their world as a more-or-less direct descendent of that wrought and reformed in the nineteenth century. The dislocation of social history from criminology has had important effects.
Yet, presented with such narratives of sweeping change, social historians would be bound to probe for the unacknowledged continuities and the unrecognised parallels which demonstrate the continued link between past and present. To take just one example, a conference held recently at the Centre for Criminal Justice Studies University of Leeds brought together historians and criminologists to discuss policing, regulation and security across time, and to work towards new, interdisciplinary research initiatives which bridge the disciplinary divide.